History 212.1 (CRN 81893)Tue and Thu 3:00-5:05Music 113Office: Faculty Towers 201AInstructor: Dr. SchmollOffice Hours: Tue and Thu 1-3…OR MAKE AN APPOINTMENT!!!Email: bschmoll@csub.eduOffice Phone: 654-6549

Friday, November 14, 2014

FINAL EXAM STUDY GUIDE


This final exam for History 212 will be TAKEN OVER TWO DAYS and BROKEN INTO TWO PARTS: the multiple choice section and the essay.

I. MULTIPLE CHOICE: (50%)

The multiple choice section will be taken in class on Thursday, November 20th. It will consist of 27 multiple choice questions of which you will answer 25. The multiple choice questions will come from the lectures since the midterms and from chapters 20, 21, 22, and 23. Some of these you have already written while working through the individual chapters. I will post those potential questions on the blog.

II. ESSAY: (50%) THE ESSAY IS DUE AT 5PM ON WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 26TH

You will write the essay on ONE of the following questions and upload it to turnitin.com by Wednesday, November 26 at 5pm. Late essays will not be accepted. The essay length is up to you. It should probably have an introduction, body, and conclusion. Also, if you refer to class notes, put in parenthesis (class notes). If you refer to the course textbook or other books, be sure to cite them. Although sources are not required for this essay, cite all sources that you choose to use!

 1. The linguist and political critic Noam Chomsky once said that “Nationalism has a way of oppressing others.” Throughout this course we have seen a variety of nationalisms. Overall, has nationalism been a positive or negative force in world history?

2. What caused the “scramble for Africa?”  What caused the decolonization movements after World War Two? After discussing both of those specific events, create a general theory of causation in history. In essence, how does historical change occur?

3. In class, we spoke about World War One and World War Two as global wars. We discussed the impact of the globe on the war and the impact of the war on the globe. How is war different when it occurs in a global setting? Is there a connection between globalization, industrialization, and war?

STUDENT GENERATED MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTIONS:


LET ME REITERATE...not all of these will appear. The Multiple Choice section will include SOME of these fine questions AND some questions that I create.

The following questions MAY appear on the exam. The answers to these questions can be found in Chapters 20, 21, 22, and 23.

How long did most Europeans believe that the “Great War” would last?
A.     weeks
B.     years
C.     decades
D.    centuries

What year did Hitler come to power?
A.     1919
B.     1923
C.      1929
D.    1933

How did the Bolsheviks treat their fellow Russians during the Civil War of 98-1921?
A.     they helped them by giving them food and firewood.
B.     They helped the White Army.
C.     They committed atrocities, seizing grain and property and killing millions.
D.    They did nothing as the Bolsheviks were actually from Argentina.

In which nation did Stalin want to install communism?
A.     Poland.
B.     East Germany.
C.     Hungary.
D.    Bulgaria.
E.     All of the above.

The Great Leap Forward in China and the Five Year Plan in Russia were attempts to increase
A.     private capital investment.
B.     Religious tolerance.
C.     Individual rights.
D.    Industrial productivity.

How did the Chinese Communist Party recruit women for the revolution?
A.     outlaw arranged marriages
B.     give women the right to vote
C.     give women the right to own property
D.    all of the above.

Who were the Kulaks?
A.     Rich peasants.
B.     Eskimo healers
C.     The ruling elite of the Communist Party.
D.    The elite troops of the Red Army.

What were the consequences of the 5 Year Plan in China?
A.     the death of 20 million pesants
B.     significant increase in industrialization
C.     the overthrow of the Communist Government
D.    both A and B

Identify three of the Axis powers of World War Two:
A.     U.S., USSR, Germany
B.     Japan, France, he Ottoman Empire
C.     Germany, Japan, Italy
D.    U.S., U.S.S.R., England

According to your textbook, how were European enlightenment ideals perceived after the Great War?
A.     they were welcomed
B.     they were mocked and thought to be cynical
C.     they were abolished
D.    none of the above.

Who were the two main “fathers” of the new prominent country in India?
A.     Ghandi and Nehru.
B.     Krishna and Patel
C.     Turstein and Badovitz
D.    None of the above

Why was Nelson Mandela put on trial?
A.     treason
B.     sabotage
C.     conspiracy
D.    all of the above

Ghandi’s political philosophy, known as _______________ (truth force), was confrontational but nonviolent.
A.     satyagraha
B.     Hinduism
C.     chakravarti
D.    Mahatma

Which country signed the Non-Aggression Pact with Russia on the verge of World War Two?
A.     Poland
B.     Germany
C.     The U.S.
D.    France
E.     Blerkfanistan

What was the effect of globalization on Mexico?
a.     the Southern portion of the country prospered while the Northern did not.
b.     the Northern portion of the country prospered while the Southern did not.
c.      Mexico was not impacted by globalization.
d.     Mexico was devastated by globalization.

____________ is responsible the economic boom following World War Two.
A.     communism.
B.     Feminism.
C.     Globalization.
D.    Dr. Schmoll’s cardigan.

Che Guevara is closely associated with
A.     Soviet Communism.
B.     American imperialism.
C.     Hipster t-shirts
D.    The Cuban Revolution.

The IMF stands for
A.     International Mercantile Fund
B.     International Mechanics Foundation.
C.     International Monetary Fund.
D.    Impossible Military Farce.

Al Qaeda means _____ in Arabic.
A.     the resistance
B.     the base
C.     the Islamic Order
D.    the terrorist
E.     the righteous

The acceleration of economic globalization can be attributed to
A.     world wars.
B.     new communication and transportation technology.
C.     Bretton Woods System.
D.    All of the above.

Why was the 1980s considered the “lost” decade in Latin America?
A.     the inability of Latin America to repay debts caused major financial difficulties.
B.     It was a period of political turmoil due to military regimes taking over.
C.     It was a period of rebellion against 20th century culture.
D.    Due to a glitch in GPS technology, no one could find Latin America on maps during that decade.



WORLD WAR TWO AROUND THE GLOBE IN CLASS DOCUMENTS:


 DOCUMENT 1: Mao Tse-tung, TACTICS AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM
December 27, 1935
[This report was given by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at the conference of Party activists which was held at Wayaopao, northern Shensi, after the Wayaopao meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee in December 1935.]
Comrades! A great change has now taken place in the political situation. Our Party has defined its tasks in the light of this changed situation.What is the present situation?
Its main characteristic is that Japanese imperialism wants to turn China into a colony.
As we all know, for nearly a hundred years China has been a semi-colonial country jointly dominated by several imperialist powers. Owing to the Chinese people's struggle against imperialism and to conflicts among the imperialist powers, China has been able to retain a semi-independent status. For a time World War I gave Japanese imperialism the opportunity of dominating China exclusively. But the treaty surrendering China to Japan, the Twenty-one Demands [1] signed by Yuan Shih-kai, [2] the arch-traitor of that time, was inevitably rendered null and void as a result of the Chinese people's fight against Japanese imperialism and of the intervention by other imperialist powers. In 1922 at the Washington Nine-Power Conference called by the United States. A treaty [3] was signed which once again placed China under the joint domination of several imperialist powers. But before long the situation changed again. The Incident of September 18, 1931, [4] began the present stage of Japan's colonization of China. As Japanese aggression was temporarily limited to the four northeastern provinces, [5] some people felt that the Japanese imperialists would probably advance no farther. Today things are different. The Japanese imperialists have already shown their intention of penetrating south of the Great Wall and occupying all China. Now they want to convert the whole of China from a semi-colony shared by several imperialist powers into a colony monopolized by Japan. The recent Eastern Hopei Incident [6] and diplomatic talks[7] are clear indications of this trend of events which threatens the survival of the whole Chinese people. This faces all classes and political groups in China with the question of what to do. Resist? Surrender? Or vacillate between the two?
Now let us see how the different classes in China answer this question.The workers and the peasants are all demanding resistance. The revolution of 1924-27, the agrarian revolution from 1927 to the present day, and the anti-Japanese tide since the Incident of September 18, 1931, have all proved that the working class and peasantry are the most resolute forces in the Chinese revolution.
The big local tyrants and evil gentry, the big warlords and the big bureaucrats and compradors have long made up their minds. They maintain, as they have done all along, that revolution of whatever kind is worse than imperialism. They have formed a camp of traitors, for whom the question of whether to become slaves of a foreign nation simply does not exist because they have already lost all sense of nationality and their interests are inseparably linked with imperialism. Their chieftain is Chiang Kai-shek.[9] This camp of traitors are deadly enemies of the Chinese people. Japanese imperialism could not have become so blatant in its aggression were it not for this pack of traitors. They are the running dogs of imperialism.
When the revolutionary situation changes, revolutionary tactics and methods of leadership must change accordingly. The task of the Japanese imperialists, the collaborators and the traitors is to turn China into a colony, while our task is to turn China into a free and independent country with full territorial integrity.
To win independence and freedom for China is a great task. It demands that we fight against foreign imperialism and the domestic counter-revolutionary forces. Japanese imperialism is determined to bludgeon its way deep into China. As yet the domestic counter-revolutionary forces of the big landlord and comprador classes are stronger than the people's revolutionary forces. The overthrow of Japanese imperialism and the counter-revolutionary forces in China cannot be accomplished in a day, and we must be prepared to devote a long time to it; it cannot be accomplished by small forces, and we must therefore accumulate great forces. In China, as in the world as a whole, the counter-revolutionary forces are weaker than before and the revolutionary forces stronger. This estimate is correct, representing one aspect of the matter. At the same time, it must be pointed out that the counter-revolutionary forces in China and in the world as a whole are stronger than the revolutionary forces for the time being. This estimate is also correct, representing another aspect of the matter. The uneven political and economic development of China gives rise to the uneven development of her revolution. As a rule, revolution starts, grows and triumphs first in those places in which the counterrevolutionary forces are comparatively weak, while it has yet to start or grows very slowly in those places in which they are strong. Such has long been the situation for the Chinese revolution. It can be predicted that the general revolutionary situation will grow further at certain stages in the future but that the unevenness will remain. The transformation of this unevenness into a general evenness will require a very long time, very great efforts, and the Party's application of a correct line. Seeing that the revolutionary war led by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [28] took three years to conclude, we must be prepared to devote to the already protracted revolutionary war led by the Chinese Communist Party the longer time necessary to dispose of the domestic and foreign counter-revolutionary forces finally and thoroughly.
United front tactics are the only Marxist-Leninist tactics. The tactics of closed-doorism are, on the contrary, the tactics of the regal isolationist. Closed-doorism just "drives the fish into deep waters and the sparrows into the thickets", and it will drive the millions upon millions of the masses, this mighty army, over to the enemy's side, which will certainly win his acclaim. In practice, closed-doorism is the faithful servant of the Japanese imperialists and the traitors and collaborators. Its adherents' talk of the "pure" and the "straight" will be condemned by Marxist-Leninists and commended by the Japanese imperialists. We definitely want no closed-doorism; what we want is the revolutionary national united front, which will spell death to the Japanese imperialists and the traitors and collaborators.
At the present time, the basic task of such a government should be to oppose the annexation of China by Japanese imperialism. There is the old adage, "In the Spring and Autumn Era there were no righteous wars."[32] This is even truer of imperialism today, for it is only the oppressed nations and the oppressed classes that can wage just wars. In the past, the Chinese revolutionary forces were temporarily cut off from the world revolutionary forces by Chiang Kai-shek, and in this sense we were isolated. Now the situation has changed, and changed to our advantage. Henceforth it will continue to change to our advantage. We can no longer be isolated. This provides a necessary condition for China's victory in the war against Japan and for victory in the Chinese revolution.



DOCUMENT 2: The Nanking Massacre, 1937

The Japanese occupation of Nanking, the capital of the Republic of China, lead to one of the greatest horrors of the century . This eyewitness report was filed by a New York Times reporter.
Aboard the U.S.S. Oahu at Shanghai, Dec. 17 [1937]. 
Through wholesale atrocities and vandalism at Nanking the Japanese Army has thrown away a rare opportunity to gain the respect and confidence of the Chinese inhabitants and of foreign opinion there....The killing of civilians was widespread. Foreigners who traveled widely through the city Wednesday found civilian dead on every street. Some of the victims were aged men, women and children.
Policemen and firemen were special objects of attack. Many victims were bayoneted and some of the wounds were barbarously cruel.
Any person who ran because of fear or excitement was likely to be killed on the spot as was any one caught by roving patrols in streets or alleys after dark. Many slayings were witnessed by foreigners.
The Japanese looting amounted almost to plundering of the entire city. Nearly every building was entered by Japanese soldiers, often under the eyes of their officers, and the men took whatever they wanted. The Japanese soldiers often impressed Chinese to carry their loot....
The mass executions of war prisoners added to the horrors the Japanese brought to Nanking. After killing the Chinese soldiers who threw down their arms and surrendered, the Japanese combed the city for men in civilian garb who were suspected of being former soldiers.
In one building in the refugee zone 400 men were seized. They were marched off, tied in batches of fifty, between lines of riflemen and machine gunners, to the execution ground.
Just before boarding the ship for Shanghai the writer watched the execution of 200 men on the Bund [dike]. The killings took ten minutes. The men were lined against a wall and shot. Then a number of Japanese, armed with pistols, trod nonchalantly around the crumpled bodies, pumping bullets into any that were still kicking.
The army men performing the gruesome job had invited navy men from the warships anchored off the Bund to view the scene. A large group of military spectators apparently greatly enjoyed the spectacle.
When the first column of Japanese troops marched from the South Gate up Chungshan Road toward the city's Big Circle, small knots of Chinese civilians broke into scattering cheers, so great was their relief that the siege was over and so high were their hopes that the Japanese would restore peace and order. There are no cheers in Nanking now for the Japanese.
By despoiling the city and population the Japanese have driven deeper into the Chinese a repressed hatred that will smolder through tears as forms of the anti­Japanism that Tokyo professes to be fighting to eradicate from China.
The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in the history of modern warfare. In attempting to defend Nanking the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then systematically slaughtered....
The flight of the many Chinese soldiers was possible by only a few exits. Instead of sticking by their men to hold the invaders at bay with a few strategically placed units while the others withdrew, many army leaders deserted, causing panic among the rank and file.
Those who failed to escape through the gate leading to Hsiakwan and from there across the Yangtze were caught and executed....
When theJapanese captured Hsiakwan gate they cut off all exit from the city while at least a third of the Chinese Army still was within the walls.
Because of the disorganization of the Chinese a number of units continued fighting Tuesday noon, many of these not realizing the Japanese had surrounded them and that their cause was hopeless. Japanese tank patrols systematically eliminated these.
Tuesday morning, while attempting to motor to Hsiakwan, I encountered a desperate group of about twenty­five Chinese soldiers who were still holding the Ningpo Guild Building on Chungahan Road. They later surrendered.
Thousands of prisoners were executed by the Japanese. Most of the Chinese soldiers who had been interned in the safety zone were shot in masses. The city was combed in a systematic house­to­house search for men having knapsack marks on their shoulders or other signs of having been soldiers. They were herded together and executed.
Many were killed where they were found, including men innocent of any army connection and many wounded soldiers and civilians. I witnessed three mass executions of prisoners within a few hours Wednesday. In one slaughter a tank gun was turned on a group of more than 100 soldiers at a bomb shelter near the Ministry of Communications.
A favorite method of execution was to herd groups of a dozen men at entrances of dugout and to shoot them so the bodies toppled inside. Dirt then was shoveled in and the men buried.
Since the beginning of the Japanese assault on Nanking the city presented a frightful appearance. The Chinese facilities for the care of army wounded were tragically inadequate, so as early as a week ago injured men were seen often on the streets, some hobbling, others crawling along seeking treatment.
Civilian casualties also were heavy, amounting to thousands. The only hospital open was the American managed University Hospital and its facilities were inadequate for even a fraction of those hurt.
Nanking's streets were littered with dead. Sometimes bodies had to be moved before automobiles could pass.
The capture of Hsiakwan Gate by the Japanese was accompanied by the mass killing of the defenders, who were piled up among the sandbags, forming a mound six feet high. Late Wednesday the Japanese had not removed the dead, and two days of heavy military traffic had been passing through, grinding over the remains of men, dogs and horses.
The Japanese appear to want the horrors to remain as long as possible, to impress on the Chinese the terrible results of resisting Japan.
Chungahan Road was a long avenue of filth and discarded uniforms, rifles, pistols, machine guns, fieldpieces, knives and knapsacks. In some places the Japanese had to hitch tanks to debris to clear the road.

From F. Tillman, "All Captives Slain,'' The New York Times, December 18, 1937, pp. 1, 10.

DOCUMENT 3: Warsaw Uprising, 1944, August 2–October 1
Albert Mroz. Armored Chevys in the Warsaw Uprising of 1944.

The uprising in Warsaw during World War II does not immediately cause automotive historians to think about 1938 Chevrolet trucks. In fact, the thought of a Chevy truck outfitted with homemade armor being used to attack the German army sounds, at the very least, futile. Yet that is exactly what happened in Poland in 1944.

Three years before World War II began in Europe, General Motors signed an agreement with Lilpop, Rau and Loewenstein Company in Warsaw to assemble Chevrolet cars and trucks, and Buick 90 limousines. This company had specialized in building railroad cars for many years, but after the invasion and occupation of Poland by the Nazis at the end of 1939, they ceased operations, as did many other factories and enterprises in Poland. In this state of war it was impossible to continue manufacturing, however, numerous vehicles had been built and imported in the previous years.
When the Warsaw Uprising started in early August 1944, the idea of creating an improvised armored vehicle came up immediately in an effort to offset the otherwise insurmountable odds that the partisans faced. Chevrolet trucks that had been assembled by Lilpop, Rau and Loewnstein were the first choice for such a tall order.
Historian Norman Davies, in his book God's Playground, writes, "The Resistance Movement flourished from the start. For the Poles, there was no question of collaboration. There was never a Polish Quisling … When it was seen that no advantages were gained by submission, increasing numbers turned to resistance."
A great example of the ingenuity and perseverance of the AK (Home Army) was the creation of improvised armored vehicles. One was called Kubus and still exists, on display in the Warsaw Military Museum. It was built in ten days at the Powisle Electrical Plant machine shop on a 157-in Chevrolet chassis of 1938 vintage. The work of mounting the armor plate was assigned to Edmund Frydrych who was an experienced craftsman at the plant. It was then turned over to Walerian Bielecki and another welder named Adolf Leszek, under foreman Jozef Fernik. Kubus was the nickname of Jozef Fernik's wife, who had been a doctor before she was killed by the Wehrmacht a few weeks earlier.
As construction began on Kubus, the wartime gasoline shortage was an immediate concern, so, like many vehicles during WW II on both sides in Europe, Kubus was modified to run on wood gas. In order to mount the armor plating, the partisans at the electrical plant used both acetylene and electric welders, and gathered sheet metal from wherever it could be found in the vicinity. Some of the best plates came from safes which had hardened steel. In order to determine which pieces were best suited for various parts of the vehicle, the workers tested the sheet metal by firing point blank with different rifles. As a result, they decided not to position any of the 6 mm (approx. 1/4-in) sheet metal perpendicular to the ground, as that position was most vulnerable to penetration.
Consequently, the entire armor plating was welded to the truck at the optimum angles. In addition, the thin metal plate was doubled in many areas and had a 3 cm (.72-in) gap between layers that was filled in with wood ash to prevent heavier gun fire or shrapnel from piercing the metal. There was no way to obtain heavier armor plate, and at least this kept the weight down since the Chevy had its capacity limitations. However, experiments showed that the ash did not help much, so this idea was abandoned in favor of enlarging the air gap from 3 cm to 6 cm.

The hatch at the top of the Kubus created an extremely vulnerable situation, making an easy target of anyone who entered or exited the vehicle. Consequently they decided to put a door underneath where the crew and transported soldiers could enter and exit, which was feasible due to the Chevy's relatively high ground clearance, even with flat tires. Nevertheless, this was a severe limitation, but there was no time to develop a heavy hinged door. Small openings on the sides of the cab were primarily gun slots but also helped visibility; however, night driving was extremely difficult since it had only a narrow slit for a windshield.
On August 23 Kubus was put into action, carrying eleven AK soldiers plus the driver, who were armed with a Russian machine gun, a flame thrower, and an assortment of rifles and handguns. Joining the attack against the German position at the University was a Sd. Kfz. 251 D armored transporter half-track, which had been captured on August 14 from the SS "Viking" Division. A number of men followed behind the vehicles on foot.
The first action was blowing up the huge steel front gates, which had to be done using an additional PIAT round and some ramming with the half-track. Most of the Germans in the front bunker were killed and others retreated. Gunfire erupted from the windows of the library, killing the AK unit's leader.
The arrival of two other groups of partisans from the other side was delayed. With heavy machine gunfire raining down from the building the resistance fighters decided to retreat, but the Kubus refused to start. The wounded were loaded up onto the half-track. After several frantic minutes, the Chevy engine, running on wood gas, finally came to life and the column evacuated from the area. Even though there were casualties and the coordination with the two other groups had failed, the attack was considered a success in that it boosted the morale of the soldiers while causing the Germans real concern. A second partially-armored vehicle, again using a 157-in Chevrolet cab-chassis but of earlier vintage, was captured from the German Post Office in Warsaw. It was used briefly before being destroyed during the incessant bombing of Warsaw.
Kubus was used two more times to storm the University side gates with a modicum of success. When the AK soldiers were forced to retreat from the area of Warsaw, Kubus had its ignition system removed to keep it from being used by the enemy.
For all the perseverance, bravery, and capture of enemy materiel, the Resistance was finally for naught, because section after section of Warsaw fell at the end of September 1944, and the AK was completely surrounded and over-powered. Without the expected outside support and intervention which had been previously ex-pressed or promised by British, American and Soviet forces, surrender was imminent.
During the Uprising of 1944 the AK lost 20,000 of its own members plus there was an additional loss of 225,000 Polish civilians, all of them women, children, and the elderly. The Jewish Ghetto had already been entirely cleared of human life during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943.
After the Wehrmacht took the AK as prisoners of war, the remaining 550,000 civilians of Warsaw were evicted from the city, and Hitler ordered that Warsaw be "razed without a trace." Bombers continued to destroy buildings and demolition crews blew up remaining structures with dynamite and flame-throwers.
After hesitating for fourteen weeks, the Soviet forces finally advanced into the city on January 17, 1945. But by that time all 1,289,000 inhabitants of Warsaw were either killed, missing, dispatched to concentration camps, or forced to flee. Ninety-three percent of the buildings had been damaged beyond repair or destroyed completely. In the Warsaw Uprising alone over 245,000 people were killed. American trucks were once again incorporated into the struggle for freedom and independence in another part of the world

DOCUMENT 4: In the Warsaw Sewers. 
Zeszyty Historyczne, No. 109, Instytut Literacki, Paris, 1994. By Jan Rossman 'Wacek'.

This article, with the exception of the reports by SS General Erich von dem Bach and SS Major General Jürgen Stroop, was published in the monthly magazine Mowia Wieki No. 8/20 in August of 1959.   Translation: Łukasz Nogalski
* * *
The designer of Warsaw’s sewer system, an excellent English engineer by the name of William Lindley, did not expect that Warsaw’s municipal sewer system designed by him towards the end of the 19th century would be used as transportation for the military and the civilian population, as well as a place of combat. It was due to the existence of the municipal sewer system that the remnants of the Old Town’s defenders and its civil population disappeared mysteriously at the end of August 1944 before the German occupiers during the Warsaw Uprising. At that time, around 6,000 people were able to retreat to Warsaw’s downtown district, and about a 1,000 managed to make it to the Zoliborz district. General von dem Bach admitted during the capitulation talks that initially he did not recognize the role of the municipal sewer system and its usefulness as a means of transportation and communication between Warsaw’s city districts. Indeed it was the disappearance of the defenders of the Old Town that signified the problem regarding the municipal sewers to the German forces was a crucial one. From that point on, “sewer paranoia” developed among the German forces in Warsaw. The Germans lived in constant anxiety that resistance fighters had the ability to come out of the sewers unexpectedly and to strike at German positions from the rear.
Until the very end of the Warsaw Uprising, the Germans were not able to overcome this “underground” resistance in Warsaw. The sewer system remained solely the turf of the Polish underground fighters for the entire duration of the Warsaw Uprising. The Germans did not succeed in cutting off the sewer system located in the Zoliborz district from that of Warsaw’s Old Town. The author of these words took part in several crossings, using the sewers in the Zoliborz district, the last of which took place on August 30th, 1944 year and led from the Zoliborz district to Warsaw’s downtown district. During this crossing, the author was able to visit and carry out a reconnaissance mission nearby at the Jewish Cemetery on Okopowa Street and also in the New Town district.
The Germans were afraid of the sewers, and so what was the real essence of the fighting that took place there? I will recollect and tell about some of the fighting that took place in the sewers during the last days of the Old Town’s defense.
Sometime after the middle of August, the resistance fighters began to use the sewers leading under Bonifraterska Street, the Gdanski Railway Station, and Stoleczna Street. There is a sewer junction under the tracks of the Gdanski Railway Station where the main sewer lines of the city converge: A1 and A2 which run under Okopowa Street; B runs underneath Marszalkowska Street; and C from underneath the New Town district and Miodowa Street.
The sewers come together at a depth of about 12 meters under ground. The sewer tunnels were high enough to permit people to freely travel through them. The Germans must have noticed traffic between the Old Town and the Zoliborz district because from time to time they lobbed grenades under the manhole cover over this sewer junction. They would lower a listening device into the sewer well and patiently wait for any sounds coming from underneath. These methods forced the groups moving about through the sewers to act with utmost care, i.e. units transporting weapons, slightly wounded troops, civil population, as well as communication units. Not only was there no possibility of using flashlights in the sewers, but conversations were also forbidden. More than that, one had to move so as not to make any noise, like a cat. Just imagine the macabre-like procession of silent shadows in the deep darkness of a sewer tunnel. In an extremely difficult manner, the columns moved step by step over the rounded and slippery bottom of the sewers. One hand rested on the person in front, the other was placed on the wall of the sewer for balance. Such passage lasted for several hours. Under the dangerous manhole cover, i.e. one above which were Germans, one had to pass one person at a time and very quickly. Moreover this spot was even more unpleasant because in the A1 sewer one could encounter a rushing stream of water. A crossing was only possible by holding onto a chain or a rope placed on/across?/at? the spot. When we were crossing under that manhole with a patrol, it was hard to resist the desire to shoot up a series of rounds at the Germans.
During the night of August 25th to the 26th, the last columns made a crossing from the Old Town. Germans began erecting a heavy dam under the manhole cover on Muranowska Street. The purpose of this dam was to stop all traffic in the sewer, and even worse, to significantly raise the water level in the sewers under Miodowa Street, Krakowskie Przedmiescie, and the New Town district. The dam was well-built with wooden beams, steel beams, and sandbags. After 2-3 days, news came from the Old Town district that the raised water level in the sewers has already reached the vicinity of Krasinski Square. It was then the idea was born to blow up the dam using demolition charges.
The idea originated with three officers from the Sabotage Section of the Home Army, who found themselves coincidentally in the Zoliborz district to which they had come during the last days of open sewer passage from the Old Town. The commanders of the Zoliborz district did not want to undertake this mission without the consent of the Commander of the Group North, Col. Wachnowski, who was located in the Old Town. The only means of communication was a radio-sent telegram through London. A small radio station from the Zoliborz district sent the message to London. From there, the message was relayed via radio to the radio station in the Old Town. Intermediate radio communication between the Old Town and the Zoliborz district was not possible due to technical considerations.
Unfortunately, London would receive and send messages only once a day. Thus, the consent from Col. Wachnowski was long awaited. When the consent for action came, the mission was initiated. A three-man patrol reached the dam, coming from the direction of the Zoliborz district. Three kilograms and a timing device were placed on the dam. The patrol retreated and safely reached the Zoliborz district, and at the given hour, the detonation took place. After about a half an hour, water appeared in the sewers in the Zoliborz district , as well as, various materials that were now afloat in the sewer. The sewer passage leading from the Old Town to the Downtown district was dry. as dry? However, only several people later made their way on the route from Old Town to the Zoliborz district. This part of the fight for the sewers was won by the insurgents.
Several days later a group of “sewers rats” from Zoliborz began systematic work. They carried out reconnaissance missions. An exit to the Vistula River was discovered, starting from the storm sewer underneath Krasinski Street. It was further determined that underneath Marszalkowska Street the Germans had constructed a similar dam to the one on Muranowska Street. The destruction of this dam by the Zoliborz group was carried out swiftly. The sewer passage from the Zoliborz district to the Downtown district was thus cleared. The couriers then set out through this passage. They were usually boy scouts from the 227th Platoon – young, handy boys. In the middle of September the idea to lay telephone cables between the Zoliborz district and the Downtown district was presented. The phone line became operational exactly on the afternoon of the day during which the Germans began their assault on the Zoliborz district, i.e. 29th September. Unfortunately, as a result of this assault, the phone line was not used.
The Germans were frantically afraid of the sewers. As General von dem Bach recollects, he never managed to convince his soldiers to descend into the sewers and carry on the struggle there. Germans resorted to throwing grenades down the manhole covers. In the Mokotow district they also sent poisonous gas down into the sewers; it was probably carbide. The effects of this gas were so intense that we observed them even in the Zoliborz district. The indicator candle, which we burned as we proceeded through the sewers to check the purity of the air, would not burn for several hours.
As we gained more experience, our “sewers” techniques became more sophisticated. We placed informational signs under the major crossroads and at sewer junctions. In certain spots, namely in wall cavities and on sewer platforms, we set up reserve food and medical stores, etc… From the Zoliborz district we set out on far reaching reconnaissance missions to the Wola and Ochota districts.
Nevertheless, during the above-mentioned capitulation negotiations, von dem Bach admitted that the Germans did use the sewers, but to a very limited degree. The Germans would transfer collaborators, ethnic Germans, and Ukrainians back to the city through the smaller sewers under the Downtown district. These people would come back to the German-held territory and mix in with the exodus of the city’s populace. Many of them did not come back. Others did not reach their destinations and returned with made up intelligence.
Of those who did not come back, there were individuals who fell into our hands. We recognized the existing situation, and we carefully checked identity papers and scrutinized every individual whom we met in the sewers or who we saw was coming out of them. The major entrances to the sewers were guarded by the resistance gendarmerie. This struggle in the sewers is unique in the history of the Uprising. It is also probably one of a kind in the history of warfare.
In his report to the Commander of the 9th army, General Vormann, on August 29, 1944, General von dem Bach wrote the following:
“Despite the fact that Polish resistance had undoubtedly inferior heavy weaponry, according to trustworthy field reports, their certain high human losses are being constantly replenished by forces from all over Poland. After their formation and training, the newly formed units, which range from a company to a battalion, infiltrate into the city through a widely branched out system of sewers and underground passages. The infiltration has even reached the Old Town district which is completely surrounded on the surface… This situation has led to that in the south [Mokotow district] and in the north [Zoliborz district], the enemy became emboldened to shift to the offensive which until now can still be repulsed but, in part, only by carrying out counter offensives.”
The supposedly significant replenishments of the Uprising forces through the sewers were purely fictional, but this evidences indicates the fact that General Bach himself was under the spell of the “sewers” paranoia. In reality, the sewers were utilized in the evacuation of the crews from two city districts, namely the Old Town and Mokotow, and in maintaining communication between the besieged parts of the city. There was also an attempt by a squad from the Old Town to launch a rear attack out of the sewers on the Germans stationed at Bankowy Square. An exit from the sewers leading out of the city toward the Vistula River was surveyed and made ready. A telephone line between the Zoliborz district and the Downtown was laid in the sewers. As it turned out, the sewer played a significant psychological role in the fighting.
Did the Germans have combat experience in Warsaw’s underground sewers? An SS and police commander for the Warsaw district, General Stroop, wrote the following in his report on the liquidation of the Warsaw Ghetto [during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising]; the report is dated May 16th, 1943:
“During the first intrusion into the Ghetto, the Jews and the Polish bandits, through the use of earlier set fires, were able to repel the forces committed to the fighting including tanks and armored vehicles… To prevent an escape to the sewers, the sewer system underneath the Jewish housing district was immediately flooded; this, however, was an illusion as a result of blowing up of the main water valves by the Jews.
Jews hid in the sewers and specially outfitted bunkers. In the first days, it was assumed that only individual bunkers existed. However, during the course of the long-lasting mission it turned out that throughout the entire ghetto there was an organized system of cellars, bunkers, and passages. Every passage and bunker had access to the sewer system. This sewer system was utilized by the Jews to cross underground to the Aryan side of the city.
The Jews were determined to defend themselves and in the process utilized every possible means and every weapon that was at their disposal. Under the Polish-Bolshevik leadership, the so-called fighting units were formed which were supplied with arms and paid any demanded price for the arms that were possible to obtain.
I decided to completely annihilate the housing district by burning down every apartment building including the buildings next to the armory.”


DOCUMENT 5: ERNIE PYLE ARTICLES FROM WAR: 
German Supermen Up Close

NORTHERN TUNISIA, May 8, 1943 – Before the first day of the great surrender on the Bizerte-Tunis front was over, I believe half the Americans in the area had German souvenirs of some sort.
There was very little of what one would call looting of German supply dumps. The Germans gave away helmets, goggles and map cases, which they will not be needing anymore. The spoils of war which the average doughboy has on him are legitimate, and little enough recompense for his fighting.
Practically every American truck has a German or Italian helmet fastened to its radiator. Our motorcycles are decorated like a carnival, with French flags and the colorful little black-and-yellow death’s-head pennants the Germans use for marking their own mine fields.
Many soldiers have new Lugers in their holsters. Lots of our men clowningly wear German field caps. German goggles are frequently seen on American heads. I got in on the souvenirs, too. I got one memento that is a little gem. It’s an automobile – yep, a real automobile that runs.
I drove back to camp that first evening in my German "Volkswagen," the bantam car the Nazis use as we use our jeep. It is a topless two-seater with a rear motor, camouflaged a dirty brown.
Mine was given me by our 1st Armored Division for – as they said – "sweating it out with us at Fa•d Pass all winter." As I drove back from the lines, Americans in the rear would stare, startled-like and belligerent; then, seeing an American at the wheel they would laugh and wave. I have owned half a dozen autos in my life, but I’ve never been so proud of one as of my clattering little Volkswagen.
*
On that first day of surrender the Germans sat in groups of hundreds in the fields, just waiting. They lay on their overcoats, resting. They took off their shirts to sun themselves. They took off their shoes to rest their feet.
They were a tired army but not a nondescript one. All were extremely well equipped. Their uniforms were good. They had plenty in the way of little personal things, money, cigarets, and food. Their equipment was of the best materials.
One English-appearing soldier had a Gem nail-clipper. He said he paid twenty-five cents for it in New York in 1939.
Some were cleanly shaven, some had three- or four-day beards, just like our soldiers. Lots of them had red-rimmed eyes from lack of sleep.
As a whole, they seemed younger than our men, and I was surprised that on the average they didn’t seem as big. But they did appear well fed and in excellent health.
They think Americans are fine fighters. They express only good-natured contempt for their allies, the Italians. As one of them said:
"It isn’t just that Italians don’t fight well. It’s simply that Germans don’t like Italians very much in the first place.
Wherever any American correspondents stopped. prisoners immediately gathered around. They all seemed in good spirits. Even those who couldn’t speak a word of English would try hard to tell you something.
*
The main impression I got, seeing German prisoners, was that they were human like anybody else, fundamentally friendly, a little vain. Certainly they are not supermen. Whenever a group of them would form, some American soldier would pop up with a camera to get a souvenir picture. And every time, all the prisoners in the vicinity would crowd into the picture like kids.
One German boy had found a broken armchair leaning against a barn, and was sitting in it. When I passed he grinned, pointed to his feet and then to the chair arms, and put back his head in the international sign language for "Boy, does this chair feel good!"
This colossal German surrender has done more for American morale here than anything that could possibly have happened. Winning in battle is like winning at poker or catching lots of fish – it’s damned pleasant and it sets a man up. As a result, the hundreds of thousands of Americans in North Africa now are happy men, laughing and working with new spirits that bubble.

Source: Ernie's War: The Best of Ernie Pyle's World War II Dispatches, edited by David Nichols, pp. 123-25. Pictures courtesy of The Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana



DOCUMENT 6: The Illogical Japs  (ERNIE PYLE’S ARTICLE TITLE)

Soldiers and marines have told me stories by the dozen about how tough the Japs are, yet how dumb they are; How illogical and yet how uncannily smart at times; how easy to route when disorganized, yet how brave. I’ve become more confused with each story. At the end of one evening, I said, "I can’t make head nor tail out of what you’ve told me. I’m trying to learn about the Jap soldiers, but everything you say about them seems to be inconsistent."
"That’s the answer," my friends said. "They are inconsistent. They do the damndest things. But they are dangerous fighters just the same."
***
They tell one story about a Jap officer and six men who were surrounded on a beach by a small bunch of marines.
As the marines approached, they could see the Jap giving emphatic orders to his men, and then all six bent over and the officer went along the line and chopped off their heads with his sword.
Then as the marines closed in, he stood knee-deep in the surf and beat his bloody sword against the water in a fierce gesture of defiance, just before they shot him.
What code led the officer to kill his own men rather than let them fight to the death is something only another Jap would know.
***
Another little story – a marine sentry walking up and down before a command post on top of a steep bluff one night heard a noise in the brush on the hillside below.
He called a couple of times, got no answer, then fired an exploratory shot down into the darkness. In a moment there was a loud explosion from below. A solitary Jap hiding down there had put a hand grenade to his chest.
Why he did that, instead of tossing it up over the bluff and getting himself a half-dozen Americans, is beyond an American’s comprehension.
***
On Saipan, they tell of a Jap plane that appeared overhead one bright noonday, all alone. He obviously wasn’t a photographic plane, and they couldn’t figure out what he was doing.
Then something came out of the plane, and fluttered down. It was a little paper wreath, with a long streamer to it. He had flown it all the way from Japan, and dropped it "in honor of Japan’s glorious dead" on Saipan.
We shot him down in the sea a few minutes later, as he undoubtedly knew we would before he ever left Japan. The gesture is touching – but so what?
***
I’ve talked with marines. I’ve begun to get over that creepy feeling that fighting Japs is like fighting snakes or ghosts.
They are, indeed, queer, but they are people with certain tactics, and now, by much experience, our men have learned how to fight them.
As far as I can see, our men are no more afraid of the Japs than they are of the Germans. They are afraid of them as a modern soldier is afraid of his foe, but not because they are slippery or rat-like, but simply because they have weapons and fire them like good, tough soldiers. And the Japs are human enough to be afraid of us exactly the same way.
Some of our people over here think that, in the long run, the Japs won’t take the beating the Germans have. Others think they will, and even more.
I’ve not been here long enough really to learn anything of the Jap psychology. But the Pacific war is gradually getting condensed, and consequently tougher and tougher. The closer we go to Japan itself, the harder it will be.
The Japs are dangerous people and they aren’t funny when they’ve got guns in their hands. It would be tragic for us to underestimate their power to do us damage, or their will to do it. To me it looks like soul-trying days for us in the years ahead.

Source: Rocky Mountain News, February 26, 1945: from a scrapbook given to Indiana University by Mrs. Henry Schoon. Pictures courtesy of The Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana





DOCUMENT 7: Remembering the war in New Guinea

Crossing the Saruwaged: A life and death gamble (General page)


51st Division (commander, Lieutenant General NAKANO Hidemitsu) landed in Lae in eastern New Guinea in February 1943. They fought successfully for two months against Australian and US attacks on the Lae and Salamaua areas. The Allied army, however, landed a division (approx. 13,000 troops) on 4 September at the mouth of the Busu River north of Lae, followed by an Australian Army division (approx. 2,000 troops) that dropped on Nadzab, east of Lae, on 5 September.

NAKANO was surrounded by a larger army and was prepared for a glorious last stand. The commander of the 18th Army, General ADACHI Hatazô, however, would not permit this action, and decided on crossing the uncharted wilds of the Saruwaged Range that towered before them – some 4,500 metres above sea level. This plan was proposed by the engineer, Lieutenant KITAMOTO. The division limped into Kiari on the north coast after a month-long, gruelling march.

This "death march" across the mountains from Lae to Kiari was approximately 400 kilometres. The plan was for a twenty-day march averaging 20 kilometres per day. It was mid-summer when the troops had advanced to the coastal area around Lae. For troops with summer uniforms and preparations, the bitter cold of the mountains, where it fell to minus 15–20 degrees, was intolerably harsh. They initially advanced by cutting a path through the trackless jungle. A single-file line of over 8,700 troops marched out from between the jaws of the enemy.

Almost all the troops, already weary from fighting at Salamaua, were running fevers over 40 degrees from malaria, were starved, exhausted, and cold. It was like a march into hell while offering up funeral dirges.

What brought this march to a successful end beyond all wildest hopes? In addition to a sense of duty, it was probably the tempering of mind and body born out of a strict day-and-night training regime.

Military exercises were planned around large-scale formations of armies, and divisions were formed from one district, and continued for an extended period.
The commander of the 8th Area Army Headquarters in Rabaul, General IMAMURA Hitoshi, recalled the following from his time as a company commander.
I had decided as a company commander to continue to carry out military exercises without fail every Friday by marching. It was usual to march on a 30km round trip.

This extreme strength of mind and body engendered confidence in the lower ranks.

Further, the Divisional commander, NAKANO, recalled the following:
The line of withdrawal over the Saruwaged was surveyed by the engineer Lieutenant KITAMOTO. He was sent from Rabaul on New Britain to guide us, and he led the way over the mountains. Many fell sick or dead on the path, but the strength of KITAMOTO’s unit (approx. 50 men) brought us some success. Without him, almost all would have perished. He moved ceaselessly from the rear to the front of the army, all the while monitoring supplies and the situation of the enemy.

KITAMOTO was a high-ranking member of the Japanese long distance running team in the pre-war period. He was selected to represent Japan in the 5,000m and 10,000m events at the Los Angles Olympics. His bravery, and the strength of his legs through the uncharted jungle and over rugged mountains, was a ray of hope to the military campaign. It would be no exaggeration to say that his robustness of mind and body, tempered through the rigours of the marathon, was the single most effective reason for the success of the operation.

The crossing of the Saruwaged is living proof of a military operation that succeeded beyond all expectations through the application of extraordinary physical and mental strength.


Bôeichô Bôei Kenshûjo Senshishitu (ed.), Senshi sôsho: Minami Taiheiyô rikugun sakusen 3: Munda—Saramoa (Official war history South Pacific Area army operations, vol. 3: Munda, Salamaua), Tokyo: Asagumo Shinbunsha, 1970.




DOCUMENT 8:  Interview with Seno Samare (Interview)
(Indigenous perspective)
This interview was conducted by Dr Iwamoto Hiromitsu and transcribed/translated by Pastor Jacob Aramans


Dr Iwamoto: What is your Name?
Samare : My name is Seno Samare.

During the war I was a young man and I used to stay with the Japanese Navy. I stayed with them until one time when I was beaten up by a navy officer. As a result I got up and ran away. Then I came back to them and because of my good testimony they took me back and I stayed with them. I was brought to the officer in charge where the navy officers wanted me to become their cook so I started working for them. When I stayed and cooked for them I found out that, this particular group of Japanese were dangerous and aggressive. If a person made a mistake and if they found out they would beat him up. Mercy was far beyond them. They found that I was a nice person. I was quick to listen and do whatever they told me to do. Regardless of whether it was good or bad I had no choice but to do it before they did any thing to me for not listening to them.

Because of this I behaved well and happily stayed with them. They would not allow any body else to come and cook for them. At times they would allow me to have free time. Whatever food I cooked or they cooked we shared together. Whatever meat, pig's meat, fish, cuscus or snake, we all shared together. During my stay with the Japanese, and according to my observation, I saw that when people did not follow the rules and regulations set by the war administration or caused any silly things they would do bad things to them. During the war I stayed with Kisisang, Hutlowesang and many others. Hutlowesang was latter executed .

Dr Iwamoto: Tell me more about him?
Samare: He used to look after the Chinese. But the other Japanese wanted these Chinese to be executed and he said “no, they don’t have to kill them”. One time they told me to go down and tell Hutlowesang to report to them. I went and brought him to our camp. The camp was in the bush. They got him and went into the house and they sent word to the commander who normally gives the order for executions. He arrived, I was wondering whether he would carry out the execution. I had nothing to say to save him as I was only a cook. I was busy cooking chicken, pigs meat and fish. Later I learnt that he was to be executed soon. He was a nice man, he used to look after Japanese and Chinese alike. A while later the executioner arrived and Hutlowesang was escorted out and they made him stood on a wooden box . The soldiers and guards took up their positions with their swords and rifles on their sides. My heart sunk and I could not stand to see what was going to happen anymore. His executioner came up with his long sword, took up his position, swung three times and cut his head off. After he was beheaded his body was put up on the box and petrol was poured onto it and his body was burnt into ashes.

After that they sent a message to his brother who was fighting in the bush. He arrived and cried bitterly for his brother. He came all the way from Luburu in the night and arrived at the camp. That was one of the executions I saw with my own eyes while serving and living with the Japanese during the war. The Kenpeitai were in fact very notorious people. Whatever small mistakes were made by people they punished them for it. And their punishment was usually hard and cruel.
Dr Iwamoto: Did the Kenpeitai take any of your women?
Samare: Some times they took our women into their prisons and they served their sentence.

Dr Iwamoto: Do you know how many women went with Kenpeitai to their prison?
Samare: There were quite a number of them - I wouldn't remember the actual number. The Kenpeitai took them away and the women were frightened but they would not do much because they knew that their lives would be in danger if they resisted. They knew that the Kenpeitai were a dangerous group of Japanese.

Dr Iwamoto: Where did those women come from?
Samare: They came from different villages, some from Lili, Okera and other places.

Dr Iwamoto: You received enough food from the Japanese?
Samare: The people did receive enough food from the Japanese.

Dr Iwamoto: Is that all?
Samare: The Japanese normally sang this particular song (Umi Yakaba?). And it goes like this:
Uti-ti tonaite
Nau mi ting long yu kepa
Mi na kava yu
Tatani na-te
Uta ute-bato
Katuka nenu ya!

Dr Iwamoto: That was very good
Samare: That was a Japanese song.

Dr Iwamoto: What does it mean?
Samare: I don't know. I knew some few words like yasi means coconut, long yasi, yasing motokoi. These are some Japanese words.

Dr Iwamoto: Did you go to a Japanese school?
Samare: I didn't because I cooked for them and most of the time they spoke their language, I picked it up and knew the main words that they normally used everyday.

Dr Iwamoto: Okay, is that all?
Samare: Yes
I would like to say a bit about the war. We were young men at that time when we heard about the Japanese and English that they would start a war very soon. We were playing on the road when we actually heard about this. Not long we heard that the Japanese have landed on the shores of New Ireland in Kavieng. As we played we could hear the sounds of the Japanese machine guns. To our suprise a Japanese car arrived. We became frightened and people began to pass on the message saying the war has arrived.

Japanese carried the rifles with sharp-pointed swords on their barrels. There was a long convoy of cars travelling from Kavieng all the way to Namatanai. When they arrived in Namatanai and occupied the place and some of them came back and make camps in the villages. Some of them stayed here and others residing at Luburua and others spread to other places. As we stayed a man came and took me and we went down to Kosuloke a village near Kavieng. We stayed there and a missionary from Palawe came and took me and I went him.

One time we went diving in the reefs. Some of the Japanese were also there and all of a sudden a war plane came and fired at the Japanese. We hid ourselves under the reefs in the sea. Some Japanese died while others received wounds, others were fortunate: they escaped from the bullets. When the war planes left the Japanese came and took the bodies of the dead soldiers and went to Palange village on the coast and they poured out petrol on to the bodies and burnt them to ashes.

We also came out from our hiding place and got fish and walked up along the coconut plantation and came past the guards who guarded the Japanese camp and went our way. The Japanese were busy eating and a man walked past us he was chewing betelnut. A Japanese came and poured out the container of water over him and told him to go away. Probably he did not want him to chew betelnut. Other Japanese also came and told him to go away. We saw this and continued on our way currying our fish and went to Palange where we roasted the fish on a fire and ate.

The Japanese lived everywhere. After eating the fish I was told to go and cut banana leaves to spread them on the ground as a bed to sit on. So I went down to the bush and cut some quickly. When i was about to chop the leaves a white man was standing there. I was suprised to see him. I threw the knife down and ran away and told the other men not to mention any thing in case the Japanese might hear. We quickly went back and saw that the unknown man was still standing there and we shared some food with him.

Dr Iwamoto: What was his name?
Samare: I don't know his name. He must have been an American or Australian spy.

Dr Iwamoto: Was he Japanese?
Samare: No. Anyway he secretly stayed with us a night and the next day, early in the morning, he got up and took that missionary of Palange (the missionary was a Tolai man) and disappeared. We got up in the morning the next day and we could not find them. For us we came back to the village. After that I went back and worked for the navy. I had a big sore on my neck and it was very painful and as a result at times I had to stop work and rest. I continued like that for some time. One time a Japanese who had been observing me closely came and bursted me. I got up and ran away. I went and worked with Kenpeitai. The boss came and assigned me to cook for him.

Dr Iwamoto: What was his name?
Samare: His name was Mr Kisisang. I became his cook and found out that he was a very nice man - he never got cross with me. These Japanese wanted me to obey and do things willingly. Obedience was what they wanted. I stayed with them and one night a huge snake came in to Kisisang's house. Mr Kisisang heard the noise of the snake and woke up and got his torch, switched it on and saw it close to him. He got his rifle and shot it. He fired seven bullets into the snake's head and it eventually died.

They butchered the snake and removed all its skin, coiled it nicely and put it aside and then they removed all the meat from the skin. When I arrived they told me “Sino you get this meat and go and give it to the navy and these other pieces, you give them to the boss of the boss of the other Kenpeitai”. On the way I met a man scraping coconuts. He was so busy when I came over to him. When he saw me he got up and said “hey brother where are you going?” I got up and said I wanted to bring this meat to the Japanese.

Dr Iwamoto: You brought the snake meat to them?
Samare: Yes . The man who asked me was from Kunak. He was one of the workers for the Japanese. I came close to him and asked him where I should put the meat and he got up and said “you have to go straight to the boss”. Therefore I went straight in and he was surprised to see me. He got up and asked “you brought fish for me”. I answered “yes I brought this for you”. “Very good man”, he said.

He was a cripple and he could not walk properly. They normally carried him around. As I stood by I saw one of his men. He was a local man but outside of Fotmila. He was a police man, a member of Kenpeitai. The kempeitai are very good at arguing with people and trying to find false in them. There as one incident where a policeman accused an elderly man of a wrong doing. He shouted at him and said " you didn't do this thing but you must confess that you did this". So the policeman kept on forcing him until he confessed. If a man refused to say no, he would be kicked, punched or the policeman would do any thing to him.

In another incident I saw an elderly man was pulled by the policeman and was thrown down near a big stone. He was kicked and punched. I stood by and felt so worried about that man and tears came down from my eyes. Another time I saw three man who were also punished. The policeman brought them down to the sago palm trees and they cleared and cut them.

After seeing what was going on I walked towards the main road. A policeman followed me up and said “hey you must come back”. I stood still and thought to myself what was happening to me. The policeman came up to me and said “you have to come back, go and see the commanding officer”. He said “you have to discuss certain things with him”. I asked him “for what”. So the policeman replied "you remember when they punished the man earlier on and your tears came down and you cried for him?". That was the reason why he wanted me to report to him.

I got up and said “okay I will go with you but before that I must report that to my immediate boss, Mr Kissisang, then I can go to court or report to the Kenpeitai commanding officer”. He followed me down to the village and I went straight to Kisisang and told him about what was happening to me. He got up and asked “where is that policeman?” The policeman came before him and he asked him why and who gave him orders to bring me to the court? The policeman got up and said it was the boss. But Mr Kisisang got up and shouted at him and said " the commander said that but I didn't hear that". Kisisang go up and gave the orders to grab hold of the policeman and beat him up to almost half death and later they brought him down the road to the Kenpeitai camp.

After this at Lukuruma there were no other incidents. No more executions, punishments or other incidents like this ever happened here. The Japanese looked after us well. Kisisang lived at Lakurumau and people came from all other parts and villages and saw him. The navy also lived here and looked after us well. The Japanese here didn't want people to say or mention anything about the Americans or the Australians or even take sides with them. If they did find out a particular person or those particular people would be brought over to court and if found guilty would be executed. This type of crime according to the war time laws is a serious one. The penalty is death.

One time they handcuffed my father, accusing him of stealing because they saw him wearing Japanese shoes. They beat him on the beach, tied his arms behind his back and brought him up to the road and later punched and kicked him. They told Mr Kisisang about it and he got up and told us to go up to the road and wait there. I got angry with the policemen and asked for the reason why they had handcuffed my father and wanted to punish him. When I asked this they got up and punched, and also handcuffed, me. Kisisang was waiting with other men and saw what was happening. Later the policemen came and asked Kisisang for food but he refused and said “I don't have any food, you already punished my boy”. The Japanese went in to their car and drove away.

During the war we normally walked around in the night to spy on our enemies. Whenever we saw them we didn't do anything to them. One time we saw some Japanese walking along the beach. I don't know where they went to. Our village was situated near the station. The Japanese made their gardens from one end of the village to the other end. Because of that they never fell short of food and we also did not run out of food. Other villages came and got food from us. Many people who stayed far from the Japanese and the Kenpeitai did not know what was happening however I saw every bit of it as I stayed close to Kisisang.

The place where they normally got people and put them as prisoners was wet and water was everywhere. The men who were put into the prison were those who were accused by the kenpeitai, the police. Some times without any charges laid on them, they were unnecessarily put into the prison. Many of those who were found guilty in this prison were killed. Their bodies were buried up there on the hill. Those two men who were punished by cutting and clearing the sago palm trees were later executed and their bodies were buried there under those palm trees where both of them worked. Two other men were also put into prison in a cave. While others were executed those two remained in the prison. One was from Manuai, his name was John Moap. While they were in prison this Manuai man got up very early one morning and decided to run away. The cave was dark however he saw a small light shining through a hole. He got up and said to other man, we must run away. But the other man said “I am afraid”.

John got up and escaped through that opening in the cave. He climbed up to the top and eventually escaped into the bush. The other who decided to stay was brought over and executed. His body was buried up on the hill with others who were executed before him. When they dug the holes, these holes were not deep enough. They got the bodies and dumped them in and covered them. Wild pigs and dogs normally went and dug up the graves and ate the carcasses. Many of us were afraid of the Japanese. They came into our village and got our pigs and chickens before our eyes. If people said any thing against them they would be punished severely.

We the people of Lakurumau never received any severe punishment from the Japanese. As we stayed on they came and said “Seno, you will go and see Hutolwesang and ask him to come over”. So I went and on my way I met a Chinese man who was a guard there. He asked me, "where are you going?" I answered and said I wanted to see Hutolwesang. He asked me to jump onto his taxi and I said my boss would come and get cross with me if I went with him. But he insisted that I must go with him. Therefore I got on and he drove on. When we arrived my boss saw me and asked me “what are you doing, Seno”?

The Chinese replied “we are going that way”. He got up and hit him on his head “I am going to report you to Hutolwesang in the afternoon”. I got off there and went and cooked food for the evening. I also boiled some chickens for the soldiers who were camped in the bush. I also boiled some water. The boss came in the afternoon got the hot water and went and washed and dressed himself. He got up and said, ''Seno' both of us will go ‘, so we got up and went and I saw a Japanese standing with a long sword in his hand. As we arrived I heard the Japanese speak to each other in their language. They brought Hutolwesang and made him stand before us. He was about to be executed. The soldier with the sword swung two times and on the third time he chopped of his head. His head rolled over and his body fell to the ground. It was a very cruel killing.

Then they got petrol and poured it onto his body and burned it to ashes. His brother came and got the ashes and mourned for him and later went and buried him. His execution came about because he helped the Chinese. The Japanese were very strict on the laws they set during the war.

Dr Iwamoto: Is that all?
Samare: When the war grew stronger the people ran into the bushes and hid themselves in the caves. The warships anchored in the sea nearby. The submarine fired the torpedoes to the coast.

Dr Iwamoto: Whose submarines were those, Japanese or Americans?
Samare: They belonged to the Americans.

Dr Iwamoto: Have you gone to school?
Samare: I went to the school, but not very long.

Dr Iwamoto: How many weeks did you go to school?
Samare: It wasn't that long.

There was a song we learnt during school and it goes like this:
Wotete Tonaite
Nau mi ting long yu kepa
Mi na kava yu
Totori nate Uta utuke butu
Katka naru......

Dr Iwamoto: How many kids went to the school?

Samare: About a hundred plus. The kids went to school but as the war grew stronger the kids ran away. When the war was about to end the aero planes dropped papers in every village. On the paper it was written that the war was over. The Australians and Americans won the war. The people who were hiding in the bushes came back to the village. It was a frightening experience during the war. Today we are happy, but during the war it was different.

Iwamoto: Good.


DOCUMENT 9: Commitment of the Moroccan Goums to the WORLD WAR II

Casablanca (Morocco), November 1942
The Allied Forces, under command of the US, arrives at the shore of Morocco the 8th November, 1942. They want to free Morocco from the Franco-German Nazi-oppressor, The Sultan pledge alliance with the Allied Forces and the Sultans army (Infantry and Cavalry) joined the fights against the Franco-German troops. After 3 days of heavy battle the French troops switch side to the Alliance, defeating the Germans. The Moroccan people are relieved, especially the Jews who fled Europe to escape the Nazism but got caught in Morocco by the French army (Morocco was occupied by France at that moment) when France surrendered to Germany and joined the Nazi-regime. Although The Sultan of Morocco refused to hand over the Jews to the Franco-German occupiers and protected them he couldn't do much when they got caught by the Nazi's and were transfer to the Nazi-camps in the dessert.
Casablanca (Morocco), January 1943
January 1943, the Alliance, at a Conference at the Alliances Headquarters in Casablanca Morocco, decides to use Moroccan troops in the Allied Forces to free North-Africa and Europe from the Nazi-regime. The Moroccan Infantry and Cavalry has already been integrated into the Alliance Force, The Sultan of Morocco sends a call to the Mountains for help to free Morocco and the rest of the world of Nazism. The Mountain-men answers the Sultan's call and start descending from the mountains joining the Forces, because of the Mountain-men’s lack in confidence in Moroccan army officers (Morocco did surrender to the French occupiers) the Alliance decided to create new regiments of Mountain-men only, with their own officers under French supervision, a part of the troops under the French General De Gaulle. The alliance has high expectations of these Mountain-men later to be known as the Moroccan Goums (Goumier in French), considering the French experience when they tried to invade the Mountain-men's soil. The tactical expectations of the Goums will be far exceeded during the World War2, no-one expected the Goums to be so good in warfare, they became the secret weapon of the alliance.
Four Moroccan Goum-groups (regimental-sized units) served with the Allied forces during World War II. They specialized in night raiding operations and mountain warfare against the forces of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany during 1943-45. Goumier units were also used to man the front line in mountainous and other rough terrain areas, so the regular infantry units could operate along more profitable axes of advance
Tunisia, 1943
The 1st GSM (a regimental-sized unit) fought on the Tunisian front as part of the Moroccan March Division from December 1942, and was joined by the 2nd GSM in January 1943. After the Tunisia Campaign, the French organized two additional groups and retitled the groups as groupe de tabors marocains (G.T.M.) Each group contained a command goum (company) and three tabors (battalions) of three goums. A tabor contained four 81-mm mortars and totaled 891 men. Each infantry goum was authorized 210 men, one 60-mm mortar, two light machineguns, and seven automatic rifles.
An anonymous junior officer from the U.S. 26th Infantry Regiment, which fought alongside the Goumiers in Tunisia, wrote that:
Two companies of Goums...were stationed next to our CP, and these had sent out two raiding parties the same night... Mostly mountain men from Morocco, these silent, quick-moving raiders were excellent at night raids, and in surprise attacks. How successful they had been was attested by the two [French] officers who had command of the companies of the Goumiers. The companies lacked most of the clothing, equipment and almost no weapons necessary for warfare. The 2 raids had remedied that. Inspections the next day revealed a good many German articles of clothing under their conventional brown and white vertical striped robes. Their rifles were a mixture of the best German and Italian weapons. Mess equipment, and a good deal of the food was also of enemy origin, as were the knives, pistols, blankets and toilet articles.
From questioning of the Italian prisoners, it was evident that they had either heard or experienced the merciless raids of the Goums, and they wanted no part of them. Part of the Goums' success lay in their silence as they moved forward, and in their highly perfected art of camouflage. One anecdote ran that one warrior had so successfully camouflaged himself all day in full sight of the Germans that a German officer had wandered over to what he thought was a bush, and had urinated on the motionless head of the Moroccan soldier who bore the trial well, but who marked that particular officer down for special attention that night, it was the officer's last night amongst the living. Goums did not take any prisoners, and it was well-known to the Germans and Italians what befell anyone who ran afoul of those Moroccans. There was certainly no desire to have our battalion tangle with either of the two raiding parties sent out the same night.
Italy, 1943-45
The 4th Tabor of Moroccan Goums fought in the Sicilian Campaign, landing at Licata on July 14, 1943, and was attached to the U.S. Seventh Army. The Goumiers of the 4th Tabor were attached to the U.S. 1st Infantry Division on July 27, 1943 and were recorded in the U.S. 26th Infantry Regiment's log files for their courage. Upon the Goums arrival at Italy many Italian soldiers surrendered en masse, while the Germans began staging major retreats away from known goumiers presence.
The Italian campaign of World War II is perhaps the most famous and most controversial in the history of the Goumiers. The 4th Group of Moroccan Tabors shipped out for Italy in November 1943, and was followed in January 1944 by the 3rd Group, and reinforced by the 1st Group in April 1944.
In Italy, the Allies suffered a long stalemate at the German Gustav Line, a Line of German/Italian defenses supposed to be Impossible to defeat, with big looses for the Alliance Forces and no breakthrough in sight. Until May 1944, three Goumier groups arrived to help, under the name Corps de Montagne (Mountain Commando Troops), attack through the Aurunci Mountains during Operation Diadem, the fourth Battle of Monte Cassino. "Here the Goums more than proved their value as light, highly mobile, mountain troops who could penetrate the most vertical terrain in fighting order and with a minimum of logistical requirements. Most military analysts consider the Goumiers' maneuver as the critical victory that finally opened the way to Rome."
The German commander-in-chief stationed at the German Gustav Line wrote to his Führer Hitler; The impossible has been done, the Moroccan Goums have crushed and conquered our line of defenses
The Allied commander, U.S. General Mark Clark also paid tribute to the Goumiers and the Moroccan regulars of the Tirailleur units: In spite of the stiffening enemy resistance, the 2nd Moroccan-Goumier Division penetrated the Gustave Line in less than two day’s fighting. The next 48 hours on the French front were decisive. The knife-wielding Goumiers swarmed over the hills, particularly at night, and the entire force showed an aggressiveness hour after hour that the Germans could not withstand. Cerasola, San Giorgio, Mt. D’Oro, Ausonia and Esperia were seized in one of the most brilliant and daring advances of the war in Italy... For this performance, which was to be a key to the success of the entire drive on Rome, I shall always be a grateful admirer of General Juin and his magnificent Goums.


DOCUMENT 10: THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS DECLARES WAR WITH JAPAN  [Inter-Allied Review, December 15, 1941.]
On December 8th, Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands issued the following proclamation:
The Kingdom of the Netherlands considers itself in a state of war with Japan.
While negotiations which were in progress between the governments of the United States and Japan were not yet completed, and while President Roosevelt exhibited the greatest patience and did his utmost to preserve peace in the Pacific, and while an appeal which President Roosevelt had sent to the Emperor of Japan still remained unanswered, Japanese forces attacked American and British territory without a declaration of war.
Thus war has been forced on the United States and the British Empire. You know how Germany, in the same manner that Japan now emulates in Asia, attacked many countries in Europe, one after another. Japan, motivated by the same spirit of aggression and the same disregard of law, follows in the footsteps of her German Axis partner.
Neither the safety of the territories of our Kingdom in the Far East, nor the Ties which bind us to our British Allies, nor the special relations which exist between the Netherlands and the United States allow the Government of the Kingdom to look on passively.
The Kingdom of the Netherlands considers itself in a state of war with Japan because the aggression-which seeks to put out of action, one by one, the countries which desire peace-can only be halted through a strong coalition.
Now that the American and British peoples, with whom we are closely bound in friendship, are attacked, the Kingdom of the Netherlands places all its armed forces and resources at the disposal of the allied war effort.
The development of our Kingdom for centuries has been guided by a unified destiny. In the hurricane which threatens this development, it rises with resolute unity to maintain its place in the world. The Netherlands did not hesitate to defend herself immediately, with courage, when she was viciously attacked in Europe. The Netherlands East Indies will not waver now that she is menaced by a similar attack.
The Indies stood with the Netherlands in her hour of trial. The Netherlands and our West Indies will stand with the East Indies now that the Indies are resisting aggression. I rely on the Navy, the Army and the Air Force, the authorities and the civilian services.
I and all my subjects rely on the courage, resolution and determination of all those in the Indies. Trusting in God, whom all my subjects desire to serve in freedom and who know that our cause is righteous and our conscience clear, we accept the challenge together with our powerful allies.
We will triumph and our Kingdom, beset but at the same time purified, steeled and standing with inviolable pride will survive stronger than ever to live under our free banner in a world free from aggression.
In the Indies, Governor General Van Starkenborgh Stachouwer made the following declaration by radio to the population of the Netherlands East Indies:
People of the Netherlands East Indies: In its unexpected attack on American and British territories while diplomatic negotiations were still in progress, the Japanese empire has consciously adopted a course of aggression. These attacks, which have thrown the United States of America and the British empire into active war on the side of already-fighting China, have as their object the establishment of Japanese supremacy in the whole of east and southeast Asia. These aggressions also menace the Netherlands East Indies in no small measure. The Netherlands government accepts the challenge and takes up arms against the Japanese empire.
DOCUMENT 11
Los Veteranos: Latino Americans in WWII
Over 500,000 Latinos (including 350,000 Mexican Americans and 53,000 Puerto Ricans) served in WWII. Exact numbers are difficult because, with the exception of the 65th Infantry Regiment from Puerto Rico, Latinos were not segregated into separate units, as African Americans were. When war was declared on December 8, 1941, thousands of Latinos were among those that rushed to enlist. Latinos served with distinction throughout Europe, in the Pacific Theater, North Africa, the Aleutians and the Mediterranean. Among other honors earned, thirteen Medals of Honor were awarded to Latinos for service during WWII.
In the Pacific Theater, the 158th Regimental Combat Team, of which a large percentage was Latino and Native American, fought in New Guinea and the Philippines. They so impressed General MacArthur that he called them “the greatest fighting combat team ever deployed in battle.” Latino soldiers were of particular aid in the defense of the Philippines. Their fluency in Spanish was invaluable when serving with Spanish speaking Filipinos. These same soldiers were part of the infamous “Bataan Death March.” On Saipan, Marine PFC Guy Gabaldon, a Mexican-American from East Los Angeles who had learned Japanese in his ethnically diverse neighborhood, captured 1,500 Japanese soldiers, earning him the nickname, the “Pied Piper of Saipan.”
In the European Theater, Latino soldiers from the 36th Infantry Division from Texas were among the first soldiers to land on Italian soil and suffered heavy casualties crossing the Rapido River at Cassino. The 88th Infantry Division (with draftees from Southwestern states) was ranked in the top 10 for combat effectiveness.
Latino Women and WWII
Latinas served during WWII despite cultural barriers that had in the past prevented them from leaving their families and traveling long distances alone. Bilingualism was highly sought after during the war and so they found important work in cryptology, communications and interpretation. As linguists, nurses and Red Cross aids, and in the WAACS, WAVES, and Marine Corps Women’s Reserve, Latinas broke through both gender and cultural barriers to serve their country.

  
DOCUMENT 12: GERMAN SPIES IN LATIN AMERICA

Chapter II
       Axis Agent Operations in Latin America
In his report on his trip to England in 1943, Colonel Alfred McCormack stated that the Coast Guard had abdicated to the British Government Code & Cipher School (GC&CS) its responsibility for all clandestine communications other than those concerning the Western Hemisphere. While McCormack was certainly overstating the case, with equal certainty the Coast Guard's primary interest was in agent communications between Germany and Latin America. These communications were primarily the responsibility of Operation BOLIVAR,l1 the code name for an espionage project carried out by Department VI 0 4 of the SO. It was active in Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina, with ramifications reaching into the official circles of those countries.12
SARGO
Johannes Siegfried Becker (SARGO) was the main figure in the project and the person responsible for most of the organizing of espionage operations in South America. Becker was first sent to Buenos Aires by the SO in May 1940. His original mission, and that of Heinz Lange (JANSEN) who followed him shortly after, was sabotage. In August, because ofprotestsbytheGermanembassy,thiswasrevisedtooneofespionageonly. Beckerand Lange were soon identified by the authorities as agents, and in September 1940, moved to Brazil where Becker made contact with Gustav Albrecht Engels.
Gustav Albrecht Engels (ALFREDO) had originally been recruited by Jobst Raven of Abwehr I W in 1939 to provide economic intelligence on the Western Hemisphere to the Abwehr. He had estab- lished an economic espionage organization, reporting to Germany via the radio transmitter owned by his company, the Allgemeine Elektrizitaets Gesellschaft (General Electric Company), headquartered in Krefeld. Becker trans- formed Engels's organization into an espionage organization reporting on all subjects of interest to German intelligence. By mid-1941, Engels's radio station, eEL, which was located in Sao Paulo, Brazil, was functioning smoothly with agents both in Brazil and the United States. It provided information on shipping, economic and industrial affairs, war production and military movements in the United States, and political and militaryin the United States who frequently came to Brazil to talk to Engels was Ousko


DOCUMENT 13: ABORIGINAL INVOLVEMENT IN WORLD WAR TWO

1 April 1942, A Mr S McClintock from Perth wrote to the Prime Minister, the Honourable Mr John Curtin, with a suggestion:
As the Australian aborigines up North are wonderful bushmen- and unbeatable at finding water etc. – and as they will help anyone for a plug of tobacco and gaudy clothes, it seems to me that they should all be removed far inland from any likely enemy landing places – Darwin, Wyndham, Broome, Carnarvon etc. – as if taken by the Japanese they might prove very useful to them as guides, and in securing water etc.
The Prime Minister acknowledged his letter and forwarded it to the Minister for the Army, the Honourable Frank Forde. On 18 May 1942, Mr Forde replied to Mr McClintock saying:
Your interest in putting forward this suggestion is much appreciated and, while the idea is basically sound, it is not considered practicable with the means or time at our disposal.

Despite the early ban on their enlistment, a number of Aboriginal volunteers either claimed another nationality or just renounced their Aboriginality. Some recruiting officers either through indifference or confusion allowed Indigenous Australians to slip through. Outstanding soldiers such as Reg Saunders and Charles Mene slipped through and demonstrated that fears of disharmony between black and white personnel were unfounded. In some other instances, however, there were various repercussions when some of those who were keen to enlist were sent home.
In mid-1941, changes in attitude towards Indigenous Australians enabled numerous Aborigines to enlist in some of the smaller units of the services where they were able to integrate and sometimes to become NCOs, commanding white soldiers. In these smaller units the Indigenous Australians were able to leave the prejudices of their civilian world behind them and be accepted as Australian servicemen. The Torres Strait Light Infantry battalion is one such example.


DOCUMENT 14: NAVAJO CODE TALKERS

Despite the development of unique military terms for the Navajo code, the lack of military terminology in the original Navajo vocabulary remained an obstacle, another limitation that became apparent in the Battle of Iwo Jima. Because Navajos had trained at different times and worked in different locales, the development of certain dialects and modified vocabularies was inevitable. As a consequence, dialects were different among the code talkers and were detrimental to effective communication between units.



To offset this problem, officers frequently exchanged Navajos from one division into another to try to endure that the Navajo be "thoroughly trained in a standard Navajo military dictionary." Quarterly training sessions were advised, in which messengers could review standard Navajo military code, as well as such duties as radio procedure and radio headings, to maintain a high degree of efficiency.
Even with these limitations, however, overall assessments from Iwo Jima and other battles showed that there was an interest to continue the development of Navajos as code talkers. The primary strengths of the code talkers was the amount of secrecy that they ensured and the versatility with which they could be used. When compared to other messengers, the Navajos provided a valuable line of communication by radio that was both secure and error-free. Capt. Ralph J. Sturkey, in his Iwo Jima Battle Report, called the Navajo code the "the simplest, fastest, and most reliable means" available to transmit secret orders by radio and telephone circuits exposed to enemy wire-tapping. Captain Sturkey also wrote that the "full value of Navajo Talkers would not be appreciated until the Commander and Staff they are serving gains confidence in their ability." In addition to functioning as messengers who provided a secure means of communication, the Navajos proved at Iwo Jima and other battles to be excellent general-duty Marines, useful in a variety of operations.
It is estimated that between 375 to 420 Navajos served as code talkers. The Navajo code talker program was highly classified throughout the war and remained so until 1968.